The Music Was Not To Blame

Gilbert Klapper

Chicago Literary Club

October 30, 2006

 

            “The listener from the very first minute is stunned by the opera’s intentionally unharmonious muddled flow of sounds. Snatches of melody, embryos of musical phrases drown, escape, and once again vanish in rumbling, creaking, and squealing. To follow this ‘music’ is difficult, to remember it impossible. . . The music grunts, moans, pants, and gasps, the better to depict the love scenes as naturally as possible. And ‘love’ is smeared throughout the entire opera in the most vulgar form.” The quotation is from an unsigned editorial titled “Muddle (or Chaos) instead of Music” in Pravda, the official newspaper of the Soviet Communist Party. It was published on 28 January 1936 and is a review of Dmitri Shostakovich’s opera Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk.1 The criticism accuses the opera of formalism, the běte noire of socialist realism. The epithet “formalism” referred to “art that was complicated and incomprehensible to the masses, and therefore useless in the construction of Soviet culture.”2 Any art “that was abstract, atonal, or progressive was denounced as bourgeois and decadent.” ’Formalism’ has been “polemically defined as all art which depended on formal design and not on concrete content.”3

            Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk had been premiered two years earlier, had been performed in three productions totaling two hundred times in Leningrad and Moscow prior to the Pravda editorial, and had been a critical and popular success.4 “But two days before the Pravda editorial, Stalin attended a performance of the opera at the Bolshoi Theater, hated it, and walked out with his entourage well before the end of the opera. As the editorial was unsigned, the exact authorship is not absolutely certain but Stalin himself was either the author or at least bore complete responsibility for its publication.5

            The Pravda editorial represented a turning point in Shostakovich’s career and life. Until then his music had not been subjected to significant criticism from the higher echelons of the Communist Party. From the time of his internationally successful First Symphony at age 19 in 1926, he had enjoyed a period of general acceptance of his music, even though much of it in the late 20s was experimental and avant-garde. Criticism had mainly been leveled at his first opera, The Nose based on Gogol’s short story, but it was nothing compared with the official denunciation of Lady Macbeth. Furthermore, the timing of the Pravda attack coincided more or less with the beginning of the “Great Terror”: engineered by Stalin. During the period from 1936-1941, millions of Soviet citizens were either executed, many without even the formality or pretense of a “trial,” or were sent to the gulags. Prominent, close friends of Shostakovich, the Red Army Commander, Marshal Mikhail Tuckhachevsky and the theatre director V. E. Meyerhold, were among those executed.6 Shostakovich sat up with a suitcase packed, expecting to be taken away any night by the NKVD.7

            Sometime before the execution of Tuckhachevsky in 1937, who was also an amateur violinist and violin maker, Shostakovich was called in for questioning by the NKVD [later known as the KGB] on a Friday and asked if he knew anything about Tuckhachevsky’s plot to assasinate Stalin [which was a fabricated allegation]. He said that they had only discussed music, not political questions. The interrogator Zanchevsky was not satisfied and ordered Shostakovich to reappear on Monday morning. He arrived at the NKVD promptly at the appointed hour, but the guard at the entrance could not find Shostakovich’s name on the list. The guard asked who he was expected to see, and when he learned the interrogator’s name, he told Shostakovich to go home as Zanchevsky had been arrested and imprisoned over the weekend.8

            At the time of the Pravda attack, Shostakovich had completed the first two movements of his Fourth Symphony and he finished the final, third movement after the editorial. The symphony went into rehearsal but was withdrawn from performance at the last minute, as Shostakovich was apparently so ordered because it was obviously another example of “formalism.” The Fourth was not premiered until 1961 during the time of Khrushchev’s leadership of the USSR. Other than the Fourth, Shostakovich composed very little until the Fifth Symphony, which was premiered in November, 1937. Between the time of the Pravda attack and the unveiling of the Fifth Symphony, he was expected to offer a public apology to the Communist Party concerning Lady Macbeth. However, he remained silent - courageously.9

            The Fifth Symphony marked Shostakovich’s return to the good graces of the Party. It is in more traditional symphonic form with four movements, instead of the three of the Fourth Symphony, but like the Fourth shows the influence of Gustav Mahler, albeit transformed into Shostakovich’s own unique and distinctive style. The Leningrad Philharmonic gave the premiere on November 21, 1937, led by Yevgeny Mravinsky, who premiered many of Shostakovich’s symphonies thereafter. During the third movement largo many in the audience, both men and women, were openly weeping.10 At the end of the fourth movement finale, a standing ovation lasted 30 minutes ending with Mravinsky dramatically holding the score in both hands over his head. A similar reaction occurred shortly thereafter at the Moscow premiere, with many in the audience rushing the stage after the finale.11 The bureaucrats [apparatchiks] of the Party accepted the symphony as Shostakovich’s rehabilitation. At the Moscow premiere, the symphony was given a subtitle: “a Soviet artist’s creative reply to just criticism,” the phrase coined by a journalist. Elizabeth Wilson, in her oral history related largely by friends and colleagues of the composer, states that Shostakovich apparently allowed it to remain in programs, representing his supposed admission of errors.12

            According to the Revisionist view, however, the apparatchiks wholly misinterpreted the meaning of the finale of the Fifth Symphony, regarding it as a triumphal, joyful march. The official party line was that the “finale resolves the tense and tragic moments of the preceding movements in a joyous, optimistic fashion”.13 Partly this may have been caused by one edition’s misprint of the tempo markings of the coda of the finale, at more than twice the speed Shostakovich intended. There is evidence that he wanted the coda to be played at the much slower tempo according to the conductor Benjamin Zander: “when the final March is played at the tempo indicated in the [original] score, the joyful celebration heard at the faster tempo turns into a scream of pain, crying out against a relentless and inhuman force.”14

            In the disputed memoirs of Shostakovich entitled Testimony [as told to Solomon Volkov] regarding the finale’s “triumphal, joyful” march, the composer is supposed to have said: “The rejoicing is forced, created under threat . . . It’s as if someone were beating you with a stick and saying, ‘Your business is rejoicing, your business is rejoicing’, and you rise, shaky, and go marching off, muttering, ‘Our business is rejoicing, our business is rejoicing.’ “15 Whether or not Testimony published by Solomon Volkov in 1979, four years after Shostakovich’s death, is authentic, “our business is rejoicing” was a characteristic phrase used by the composer.16

            Kurt Sanderling, who emigrated from Germany to the USSR in 1936 and was one of the conductors of the Leningrad Philharmonic from 1941 until 1960, affirms that the finale of the Fifth Symphony is clearly not to be understood in terms of the official Party interpretation. In the notes to his performance with the Berlin Symphony Orchestra in 1982, the interviewer asks the conductor: “Someone has called the Fifth a ‘symphony of refusal’, suggesting that in it Shostakovich refuses to reveal his genuine intentions and feelings.” Sanderling replied: “The vast majority of the audience knew perfectly well what it was all about. Maybe this explains why it was such a resounding success. It faithfully reflected the sentiments that were uppermost in our minds. The closing section of the symphony is the only part that may give rise to a misunderstanding. It was wrongly interpreted in some quarters as describing the jubilant mood of a party congress. But as the observant listener will notice, the enforced enthusiasm of the masses is meant as a gesture of defiance and self-affirmation – not as a victory for the regime, but as a victory against it.”17

            Yet until the publication of Testimony in 1979, the Fifth Symphony was considered by many Western observers to represent a capitulation to the Communist Party and that Shostakovich was a loyal follower of the Party.17a A striking statement against this interpretation was given by the famous soprano Galina Vishnevskaya in her autobiography published in 1984: “In that ‘joyous, optimistic’ finale – beneath the triumphant blare of the trumpets, beneath the endlessly repeated A in the violins, like nails being pounded into one’s brain – we hear a desecrated Russia, violated by her own sons, wailing and writhing in agony, nailed to the Cross, bemoaning the fact that she will survive her defilement.”18 Purple prose no doubt, but which is the correct reading of the Fifth Symphony?

            If there are hidden subtexts in purely instrumental music such as the Fifth, their meaning will almost always be ambiguous and debatable - especially if the composer does not offer an explicit explanation, as Shostakovich could not possibly have done during Stalin’s time. However, the first four notes of the finale quote “Rebirth” from the cycle of songs based on Pushkin, composed just before the Fifth Symphony, but not performed until later. These notes correspond to the accompaniment to the words “A barbarian artist” in Pushkin’s poem: "A barbarian artist, with sleepy brush/Blackens over a picture of genius/And his lawless drawing/Scribbles meaninglessly upon it./But with the years the alien paints/Flake off like old scales;/The creation of genius appears before us/In its former beauty./Thus do delusions fall away/From my worn-out soul,/And there spring up within it/Visions of original, pure days." The thesis of the musicologist Gerard McBurney “is that Shostakovich used Pushkin's poem, itself an Aesopian text written under conditions of Tsarist censorship, as a way of encoding the true meaning of the symphony's otherwise inevitably debatable finale. Stalin (or perhaps his culturalapparat) is the ‘barbarian artist’ who blackened over Lady Macbeth in the Pravda editorial of 28th January 1936 and in 1937 forced Shostakovich to veil his own intentions in the Fifth Symphony.”19

            Shostakovich completed the Seventh (“Leningrad”) Symphony at the end of 1941; Hitler’s troops had invaded the Soviet Union in June of that year and began the prolonged siege of Leningrad in August. The principal controversy surrounding this symphony arises from the question as to when Shostakovich composed the first movement, before or after the Nazi invasion. Whether the first movement, dominated by a Bolero-like, almost interminable repetition of the simple march theme, refers to the invasion or is also a reflection of the “Great Terror” of the 1930s, hinges on when Shostakovich began composing the Seventh. The symphony was a great popular success and was performed in Leningrad during the siege.

            At the conclusion of World War II, Shostakovich was expected to write a triumphal symphony (ala Beethoven’s Ninth) in praise of the Soviet victory that was reputedly masterminded by Stalin. But instead the composer penned the lightweight, comical and satirical Ninth Symphony.20 In an informal discussion prior to leading the work at the Aspen Music Festival in 2004, the American conductor James Conlon described the Ninth Symphony as Shostakovich thumbing his nose at Stalin. Again, the problem of the existence and meaning of subtexts is at issue.

            The “historic” decree of 1948 was an attempt by the Party to combat “formalism” in music. Shostakovich (listed first), Prokofiev, Shebalin, and Khatchaturian were the main targets.21 Much of their music was banned from performance until after the death of Stalin in 1953. The decree accused these composers, among others, of “ ‘formalist and decadent’ tendencies, ‘unhealthy individualism’ and ‘pessimism.’ Shostakovich was forced to confess his artistic ‘sins’ publicly. He was dismissed from his” posts at the Moscow and Leningrad conservatories “and, for the second time in his life, found himself isolated and under siege.”22

            During this time period (1948-1953), he wrote a number of significant works, including the First Violin Concerto, the Fourth String Quartet, and From Jewish Poetry, which were not performed publicly until after Stalin’s death. The last is a collection of eleven songs for three singers, accompanied by piano; it was performed privately several times during this period.23 A number of Shostakovich’s compositions contain melodies influenced by Jewish music, including the last movement of his Second Piano Trio, written in 1943-1944 and one of his masterpieces. The combined qualities of sadness and laughter in Jewish music appealed to Shostakovich, although he was not Jewish.24 Furthermore, he was strongly against the official Soviet policy of anti-Semitism.25

            During this period when much of his music was banned from public performance, the composer subsisted by writing acceptable film scores. When the 24 Preludes and Fugues for solo piano, opus 87, were auditioned by Shostakovich in 1951 for the Union of Composers, the work was greeted either with severe criticism or without enthusiasm. The sole exception was the defense of the composer by the outstanding pianist Mariya Yudina, who had studied piano with the same teacher as Shostakovich at the Leningrad Conservatory in the early 1920s. Yudina “said something along these lines: ‘Comrades, what has got into you, are you out of your minds? Surely you understand what we are dealing with? This music will soon be performed as frequently as Bach’s Preludes and Fugues are today. We should bow down to the very ground in front of Dmitri Dmitriyevich!’ As Yudina was considered to be not completely normal, nobody paid any attention to her words, which were the only normal words pronounced on that occasion.”26

            In 1960, tremendous pressure was put on Shostakovich to join the Communist Party, an action he had resisted until that time. Eventually, in September of that year, he was forced to join.27 Before that in July, 1960, he visited East Germany where he was supposed to write the score for a film about the World War II destruction of Dresden. Instead Shostakovich wrote out the score of the Eighth String Quartet, opus 110, in three days time. He may have been composing it in his mind for some time before that, according to accounts of his methods of composition. He wrote to his friend Isaak Glikman28: “instead [of writing the film score] I wrote this ideologically flawed quartet which is of no use to anybody. I started thinking that if some day I die, nobody is likely to write a work in memory of me, so I had better write one myself. . .The basic theme of the quartet is the four notes D natural, E flat, C natural, B natural – that is, my initials, D. SCH. [in the German transliteration of these notes, D, E flat (Es), C, B (H)]. The quartet also uses themes from some of my own compositions and the Revolutionary song ‘Zamuchen tyazholoy nevolyey’ [‘Tormented by grievous bondage’]. The themes from my own works are as follows: from the First Symphony, the Eighth Symphony, the [Second] Piano trio, the [First] Cello Concerto, and Lady Macbeth. There are hints of Wagner (the Funeral March from Götterdämmerung) and Tchaikovsky (the second subject of the first movement of the Sixth Symphony). Oh yes, I forgot to mention that there is something else of mine as well, from the Tenth Symphony. Quite a nice little hodge-podge, really. It is a pseudo-tragic quartet, so much so that while I was composing it I shed the same amount of tears as I would have to pee after half-a-dozen beers. When I got home, I tried a couple of times to play it through, but always ended up in tears.”

            The Eighth Quartet stands out among the many outstanding quartets of the fifteen he composed, and is the one most often played and recorded. The DSCH initials permeate the composition. The quartet, with this monogram and the quotation of his previous works, is undoubtedly autobiographical.29 Although the meaning of subtexts in many of his other instrumental compositions has been debated, even as to the question of whether there are subtexts, here there can be no doubt that the subtext is the life of Shostakovich. Thus, the disparity was clearly evident between the official dedication of the Eighth Quartet to the “ ‘victims of war and Fascism,’ allegedly prompted by the viewing of atrocity footage in Dresden – and the music, which consists almost wholly of the DSCH motif in thematic conjunction with allusions to Shostakovich’s earlier works, the martyred Lady Macbeth especially prominent among them. . . . . Shostakovich was clearly identifying himself as victim.”30 That the official dedication was a cover is shown by Rostislav Dubinsky, the first violinist of the Borodin Quartet: “When, at the first performance at the Composers’ House in October 1960, the chairman announced the quartet and started talking about the war and the heroism of the Soviet people and the Communist Party, Shostakovich jumped up and shouted, ‘No, no . . . I . . am protesting against any sort of Fascism . . .’ “31

            According to Lev Lebedinsky: “The composer dedicated the Quartet to the victims of fascism to disguise his intentions, although, as he considered himself a victim of a fascist regime, the dedication was apt. In fact he intended it as a summation of everything he had written before. It was his farewell to life. He associated joining the Party with a moral, as well as physical death. On the day of his return from a trip to Dresden, where he had completed the Quartet and purchased a large number of sleeping pills, he played the Quartet to me on the piano and told me with tears in his eyes that it was his last work. He hinted at his intention to commit suicide.”32

            Shortly after the Beethoven Quartet gave the first performance of the Eighth Quartet, the Borodin Quartet played it for Shostakovich at his apartment. Rostislav Dubinsky relates the following account: “As he listened, Shostakovich picked up the score and a pencil, and then put both aside, his head bent. What he must have felt at this moment, we could only guess. Having openly said at the beginning of the quartet, ‘This is myself,’ he sat before us, tormented, listening to his story about himself, his musical confession, the sorrowful cry of a soul, where each note weeps with pain. . . We finished the quartet and looked at Shostakovich. His head was hanging low, his face hidden in his hands. We waited. He didn’t stir. We got up, quietly put our instruments away, and stole out of the room.”33

            Shostakovich is the main protagonist of William T. Vollmann’s Europe Central, a novel (or a collection of short stories as Vollmann has said) depicting the Eastern Front of World War II. In this 750-page book published in 2005 there is a chapter of over 100 pages devoted to the events leading up to and surrounding the composition of the Eighth Quartet.34 The epigraph of Europe Central is “The majority of my symphonies are tombstones.”35 In a review of W. G. Sebald’s On the Natural History of Destruction, Vollmann describes the Eighth Quartet as one of the saddest and angriest pieces of music ever written.36

            In the period known as the “Thaw” during which Nikita Khrushchev revealed many though not all of Stalin’s crimes in his speech to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party in 1956,37 Yevgeny Yevtushenko’s poem Babi Yar in 1961 and Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich in 1962 were allowed to be published.38 The poem begins: “No monument stands over Babi Yar,” and is an attack on Soviet antisemitism, as well as on the Nazi slaughter. In two days in late September, 1941, Nazi Sonderkommando police and Waffen-SS men, as well as Ukrainian policemen, had rounded up over 33,000 Jews and machine-gunned them at the Babi Yar ravine on the outskirts of Kiev.39

            Shostakovich set Babi Yar and four other poems of Yevtushenko in his Thirteenth Symphony for orchestra, bass chorus, and bass soloist. Kirill Kondrashin was the conductor of the premiere in Moscow in December, 1962.40 Both Kondrashin and Shostakovich resisted pressure from the Party to stop the performance as the premiere approached.41 After the premiere, Yevtushenko was forced by the Party to change eight lines of the original text to state that Russians and Ukrainians died alongside Jews at Babi Yar.42 Shostakovich did not alter the music, however, and today the original version of the text is usually sung.43

            The Fourteenth Symphony also has poems set to orchestral music. The eleven poems are by García Lorca, Apollinaire, and Rilke, all in Russian translation, and a poem of Wilhelm Kϋchelbeker, a contemporary of Pushkin. All are on the subject of death. Shostakovich composed the work during a month-long hospital stay in 1969. “Just before entering hospital, I listened to Mussorgsky’s ‘Songs and Dances of Death’ and the idea of tackling death came to fruition. . . Everything that I have written until now over these long years has merely served as a preparation for this work.”44

            But he continued to compose, despite severe health problems. Included are the Fifteenth Symphony with its quotations from Rossini’s William Tell Overture and Wagner’s Walkϋre and Tristan and Isolde (1971), the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Quartets (1970, 1973, 1974), and several song cycles (six poems of Marina Tsvetayeva, 1973, and the suite based on verses of Michelangelo, 1974). His last composition, the viola sonata, opus 147, dedicated to Fyodor Druzhinin, the violist in the Beethoven Quartet, was completed in the hospital a month before Shostakovich’s death on August 9, 1975, just short of his 69th birthday on September 25th. Shostakovich told Druzhinin that the third movement, with its quotation from the Moonlight Sonata, “is an adagio in memory of Beethoven.”45 This adagio, like so many of Shostakovich’s slow movements, is strikingly beautiful.

            The argument over the authenticity of Testimony, whether these are actually Shostakovich’s memoirs as told to Solomon Volkov as he claims, has spawned a great amount of writing on this subject since 1979. The Revisionists, who support Volkov [the late Ian MacDonald, Allan Ho, and Dmitry Feofanov], and the Anti-Revisionists [Laurel Fay, Richard Taruskin, Malcolm H. Brown], who take the view that Testimony “falsely purported to be Shostakovich’s transcribed oral memoirs,”46 are mostly musicologists. It is perhaps noteworthy that most of the musicians who knew Shostakovich and emigrated from the Soviet Union [for example, Kirill Kondrashin, Kurt Sanderling, Rudolf Barshai, and Vladimir Ashkenazy] have stated that many of the remarks in Testimony coincided with what they knew of Shostakovich’s views.46a

            But this controversy over Testimony has given surprisingly little attention to the music itself. One might conclude: A lot of polemical writing but little illumination. As was said of one of the most influential and revolutionary jazz musicians, Charlie Parker: “What he did was enormous. You hear his music everywhere now . . .But people talk too much about the man – people who don’t know – when the important thing is his music.”47 So with Shostakovich, it is the music that matters. I recommend you delve into the music and ignore the Testimony controversy.

            “The music was not to blame”48.

 

ENDNOTES

 

 

1Volkov, Solomon, 2004, Shostakovich and Stalin: The extraordinary relationship between the Great Composer and the Brutal Dictator; translated from the Russian by Antonina W. Bouis: Alfred A. Knopf, New York, p. 102-103.

2Volkov, 2004, p. 92.

3Feuchtner, B., 2004, Notes to recording of Shostakovich: Rayok, Chamber Symphony, etc., conducted by Vladimir Spivakov, Capriccio 67115, p. 8.

4Osborne, R., 2002, Notes to recording of Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk, conducted by Mstislav Rostropovich, EMI Classics, CMS 67779, p. 13.

5Volkov, 2004, p. 105-107.

6Wilson, E., 1994, Shostakovich: A Life Remembered: Princeton University Press, p. 120-121. A second edition of this work was published in August, 2006, under the same title and publisher, but after most of the present paper was written. References herein are to the first edition, except where noted.

7Maxim Shostakovich quoted in http://www.siue.edu/~aho/musov/reccom/reccom.html].

8Wilson, 1994, p. 124-125; also Fay, L.E., 2000, Shostakovich: A Life: Oxford University Press, p. 99.

9Vishnevskaya, G., 1984, Galina: A Russian Story; translated from the Russian by Guy Daniels: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich p. 211-212.

10Isaak Glikman in Wilson, 1994, p. 128.

11Wilson, 1994, p. 129.

12Wilson, 1994, p. 126.

13Taruskin, R., 2005, The Oxford History of Western Music: Oxford University Press, v. 4, p. 792; see also Taruskin, R., 1995, Public Lies and Unspeakable Truth: Interpreting Shostakovich’s Fifth Symphony, in David Fanning, (ed.), Shostakovich Studies: Cambridge University Press, p. 46.

14Zander, B., 1998, Notes to recording of Shostakovich Symphony no. 5, Cello Concerto no. 1, conducted by Benjamin Zander, Carlton Classics 30366 01012, p. 2-3.

15Testimony: The Memoirs of Dmitri Shostakovich, 1979, as related to and edited by Solomon Volkov, translated from the Russian by Antonina W. Bouis: Harper & Row, p. 183; also Ho, A. B. and Feofanov, D., 1998, Shostakovich Reconsidered: Toccata Press, p. 165.

16Wilson, 1994, p. 177; Ho and Feofanov, 1998, p. 259, 427, 492-493.

17Sanderling, K., and Bitterlich, H., 1992, Notes to recording of Shostakovich Symphony no. 5, conducted by Kurt Sanderling, Berlin Classics 2063, p. 10; see also Ho and Feofanov, 1998, p. 170].

17aElizabeth Wilson, 2006, p. xiii, in the preface to her second edition, states: “It [Testimony] also dealt a fatal blow to the primitive view that the composer expressed himself as an official Communist in his music – although I admit to being amazed that even at the height of the Cold War anybody with any knowledge of the music could regard such a view as credible.”

18Vishnevskaya, 1984, p. 213.

19 “Another aspect of the Finale was revealed by musicologist Gerard McBurney in an interval talk for [BBC] Radio 3 in 1994:” http://www.siue.edu/~aho/musov/reccom/reccom.html. See also Wilson, 1994, p. 127; Taruskin, 1995, p. 43, 45.

20Fanning, D., 2000, Shostakovich in Harmony: Untranslatable Messages, in Rosamund Bartlett, (ed.), Shostakovich in Context: Oxford University Press, p. 39-40. Hurwitz, D., 2006, Shostakovich Symphonies and Concertos: An Owner’s Manual: Amadeus Press, p. 107-108. In an interview, the conductor Rudolf Barshai comments: “You know that in the Ninth, Shostakovich mocked Stalin. It was also a work that relates to Stalin's anti-Semitism. Shostakovich himself was not Jewish, but he wrote this symphony in protest: a protest against anti-Semitism and not only against Stalin himself. In the Ninth, Shostakovich composed the final movement using a Jewish dance song [the main theme]. He used that theme in the coda. The tune is played on the tuba and the trombone, creating the effect that the stomping boots of the Red Army Ensemble are dancing to this Jewish melody - a particularly sarcastic melody at that. Of course it was only by chance that Stalin did not understand this. It was [a] very dangerous thing to have done. You know, after Shostakovich's funeral his friends went back to his home to talk, and one of them said: ‘What a person Shostakovich was. He was not afraid of Stalin, but he was afraid of the yard-keeper!’ Because the yard-keeper might well have been a KGB agent. Very possible [sic] so!” http://www.dschjournal.com/journal17/barshai.htm.

21Wilson, 1994, p. 208.

22Epstein, P., 2000, The String Quartets of Dmitri Shostakovich, Notes to the Emerson String Quartet’s recording of the complete string quartets, Deutsche Grammophone 463 284, p. 19.

23Wilson, 1994, p. 236-237. There is a performance of From Jewish Poetry on Russian Disc 15015, with Shostakovich at the piano recorded in 1956.

24That the musicologist Laurel Fay misunderstood Shostakovich’s motives in composing From Jewish Poetry has been discussed by Ian MacDonald, 1998, Naive Anti-Revisionism, in Ho and Feofanov, p. 687; see also Fay, 2000, p. 169-170.

25Jackson, T. L., 1998, Dmitry Shostakovich: The Composer as Jew, in Ho and Feofanov, p. 598-599; Kirill Kondrashin in Wilson, 1994, p. 358-359.

26Wilson, 1994, p. 211; Fay, 2000, p. 179.

27Lev Lebedinsky and Isaak Glikman in Wilson, 1994, p. 336-339; Fay, 2000, p. 217-218; Volkov, 2004, p. 268.

28Glikman, I., 2001, Story of a friendship : The letters of Dmitry Shostakovich to Isaak Glikman, 1941-1975, with a commentary by Isaak Glikman, translated from the Russian by Anthony Phillips: Cornell University Press, p. 90-91, 275; also quoted in a slightly different translation by Wilson, 1994, p. 340.

29Taruskin, R., 2000, Shostakovich and Us, in Rosamund Bartlett, (ed.), Shostakovich in Context: Oxford University Press, p. 26.

30Ibid.

31Dubinsky, R., 1989, Stormy Applause: Making Music in a Worker’s State: Hill and Wang, p. 282.

32Lev Lebedinsky in Wilson, 1994, p. 340-341; Lebedinsky stole the pills from Shostakovich’s jacket and gave them to his son Maxim and told him to watch his father closely.

33Dubinsky, 1989, p. 283-284.

34Vollmann, W. T., 2005, Europe Central: Penguin Books, p. 622-727.

35Taken from Testimony, 1979, p. 156.

36http://www.believermag.com/issues/200305/?read=article_vollmann.

37Khrushchev’s speech was given on February 25, 1956: see Robert Conquest: http://159.54.226.83/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20060224/OPINION/60220011/1049.

38Wilson, 1994, p. 354.

39http://www.zchor.org/BABIYAR.HTM.

40Details of the problems with the premiere and the finding of a bass soloist who would perform the solo part are given by Kondrashin in Wilson, 1994, p. 356-362, and by Vishnevskaya, 1984, p. 274-279.

41Wilson, 1994, p. 360-361; Fay, 2000, p. 234.

42 Fay, 2000, p. 235-236; only Jews were killed initially on September 29-30 in 1941; later Gypsies and Russian prisoners of war were also slaughtered by the SS, see http://www.zchor.org/BABIYAR.HTM.

43For example, the New York Philharmonic recording of 1993 under Kurt Masur, Sony 4509-90848, in which Yevtushenko also recites the original version of the poem. When the score of the Thirteenth was published in 1970, the original text was restored according to Barry Brenesal in Fanfare, 2006, v. 29, no. 3, p. 220.

44Shostakovich: two letters to Isaak Glikman in Wilson, 1994, p. 412.

45Druzhinin in Wilson, 1994, p. 470.

46Taruskin, 2000, p. 5; Fay, 2000, p. 4; Fay, 2005, Volkov’s Testimony Reconsidered (2002), in Malcolm H. Brown, A Shostakovich Casebook: Indiana University Press, p. 22-66.

46a http://www.siue.edu/~aho/musov/kondrashin/kondra.html; http://www.siue.edu/~aho/musov/sanderling/sandint.html; http://www.dschjournal.com/journal17/barshai.htm; Vladimir Ashkenazy, August 5, 2000, quoted in http://www.geocities.com/kuala_bear/Contents.html.

 47Dizzy Gillespie with Gene Lees, Down Beat, May 25, 1961, quoted in Brian Priestley, 2006, Chasin’ the Bird: The Life and Legacy of Charlie Parker: Oxford University Press, p. 106.

48Yevgeny Yevtushenko in Wilson, 1994, p. 366.