By Charles Ebeling
Presented before the Chicago Literary
Club
At The Cliff Dweller’s Club
November 21, 2011
Copyright 2011 Charles Ebeling
(all rights reserved)
It was the fall of 1963, and I was commuting from my
parent’s home in the western suburbs to the campus of the University of
Chicago, where I was briefly a student at large.
Just recently, I found a folder of notes dated from that
time, and on a corner of one sheet was the following hand-written bit of verse
I’d doodled, which seemed to somehow presage events that would unfold over the
following several years. And, I’d suppose, the spirit of my words might apply
to many of us.
The verse is titled:
BETWEEN
All is grand. All is
free,
And bound by
relativity –
The concept
brackets fools, kings,
Not least of
all, the world of things;
So, I’m most humble, yet
proud to be,
Somewhere
between, relatively.
It was a cold late October night, four years later, as I
hopped off the back of a military truck, my M14 rifle was handed down, and I
reported for guard duty, marching the muddy perimeter fence at a mysterious
place, the fabled United States Bullion Depository at Fort Knox.
A few months before, I’d completed my degree in
journalism, at Bradley University. As I trudged shivering along the barbed
wire-topped fence surrounding the dimly lit vault building, 50 yards over my
shoulder, I could barely imagine how my own path had brought me to this odd
place.
Absentmindedly, I wondered if the inside of the nearby
vault looked anything like it had been portrayed in the newest James Bond film,
Goldfinger, filmed right here at Fort Knox just the year before? And, were
there still mountains of 27-pound solid gold bars, some 4,600 tons worth,
stacked only yards from my humble guard path, or had those billions long since
been trucked away and dissipated into the world’s coffers, as had been rumored?
I wondered what was true, and what was just illusion. I was so far from any
answers.
In another seven months, I’d leave Fort Knox, bringing
along two very small gold bars of my own — worn on my shoulders. My little war
story had begun.
Over the following two years, those shiny gold-plated
bars would turn silver at the military’s highest bastion of learning, then, a
world away, be painted dull black. Ultimately, a bar of each color – gold,
silver and black -- would be set in a frame, with a little bundle of medals and
insignia. That boxed set of personal history now, some 40 years hence, rests
behind the knotty pine door over my home office desk, in the woods of
Wisconsin. The author of a long-term Harvard study on happiness, that included
veterans of World War II, observed that, “with the passage of years, old wars
become more adventurous.” That has not been my experience. But I’m getting a bit ahead of myself.
My military “adventure” began quietly enough, when I set
the theme for a mock magazine article at the end of my junior year, as a
journalism student at Bradley U., up on the Main Street hill in Peoria,
Illinois. Given the fixation of the daily headlines in 1965 with reports of
gathering student anti-war unrest and demonstrations on campuses across the
nation, I’d decided to probe that topic in my own backyard, and so the headline
for my article became, “Vietnam and the Corn Belt Campus.” I’d not taken much
interest in politics up to then, and it seemed to me there had been only a
little agitation on my campus in this quiet river town between Chicago and St.
Louis, so I decided to reach out, and visit three additional campuses here in
the heart of the Corn Belt.
As I was a reporter for our student newspaper, the
Bradley Scout, I began by researching the past year of editions of the Scout,
then proceeded to visit the other colleges and interview the editors of their
student newspapers and a handful of students at each, to see what had been
going on regarding the Vietnam situation. Running late on my assignment, I
jumped into my little red VW Beatle and drove off through the seemingly endless
cornfields, and visited Illinois State University at Normal, the nearby
Illinois Wesleyan University, and the sprawling University Of Illinois campus
at Champaign.
On my way back to Peoria, fresh from my first-hand
research at those central Illinois campuses, I checked into a roadside motel,
and banged out the story on my portable typewriter. My premise was that
midwestern students like myself, surrounded by vast prairies of tall corn,
grazing cattle and entrenched conservatism, were only modestly agitated about
reports of America’s escalation of its involvement in Vietnam. Those few students
who protested too loudly were characterized as left wing stooges of radical
organizations like the SDS – Students for a Democratic Society. Most male
Midwestern students, at least in the Corn Belt, were politically inert. They
were much more nervous about how the military draft might affect their
post-graduate plans, or, more often, their lack of plans. I was squarely of the
latter group.
And my concern about the future had grown by the next
academic year, ending with graduation in May ’66 – as the Vietnam Conflict
escalated into a full-blown war. My final article in journalism school would be
an analysis of the military service officer’s candidate school options
available to new graduates, like myself, who had not participated in ROTC
during their undergrad years. There had been no military tradition in my
family, and I had never given the services a second thought.
My research for the article became a checklist for my own
OCS potential. I learned from the draft board back in Riverside that I had a very
low number, and would likely be called up for service within a few weeks of
graduation. So I sought what the troops sardonically came to call a D.I.E. – or
“draft-induced enlistment.”
I first applied to Navy OCS, as I’d always enjoyed
boating on the Great Lakes with my dad and family, and was the navigator,
guiding our cruiser with the help of a radio direction finder on courses from
port to port, sometimes through the night and even in rough weather. I yearned
to learn more about life at sea. I went through the Navy’s battery of physical
and mental testing and interviews, and was almost qualified, when the service
determined that my eyesight was too poor to earn a waiver, and therefore not
good enough to meet officer requirements.
Then I looked into the Army, where I thought the
Transportation Corps might give me added experience if I were to join my father
in the trucking business. The Army responded positively, but at the time of my
graduation, the closest I could get to transportation was the Armor Corps –
tanks. I thought that riding in a tank might be preferable to marching. They
promised me that through their College Option program at the Armor School at
Fort Knox, that after training I’d serve just two more years on duty as a
commissioned officer, with no active reserve obligation thereafter. Plus, and
this was a key consideration, I didn’t imagine there to be much call for tanks
in the wet rice fields of Vietnam.
Fort Knox was the home of the Patton Museum, preserving
the history of the most famous American armor commander. The Army is thick on
tradition, and Brigadier General George S. Patton IV, son of the legend, would
serve as Deputy Post Commander at Knox in 1972, after serving with distinction
in Vietnam.
I’d first go through eight weeks of ordinary basic
training at Knox, just like any draftee, and then receive eight more weeks of
advanced training in Armor, to become a member of what retired General Bruce
Clark called “that elite group who are tank commanders.” We’d then immediately
go on to six more months of Officer Candidate School. There was no guarantee,
but if I were successful in that ten-month marathon of training, I would
qualify for a Presidential commission as an Army Reserve second lieutenant of
Armor. We’d be what the troops called a “Shake’n Bake officer,” in other words,
a novice OCS grad without combat experience.
The same month I graduated from college, the class of ’66
was graduating from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, New York. They
would be immortalized in Rick Atkinson’s Pulitzer Prize-winning book, “The Long
Gray Line,” subtitled – “From West Point
to Vietnam and After – the turbulent Odyssey of the Class of ’66.” That West
Point class produced a little less than 600 lieutenants. I would join soon them
as one of about sixteen thousand new second lieutenants commissioned in the
Army reserves between 1965 and ’66. The rest of us were ROTC-ers, those who
took military training while in college, and my fellow OCS, or Officer
Candidate School grads, who had no military training until they entered
service.
So, I signed on, and skipped my college graduation
ceremony to take a last cruise on the family boat, this time up to the North
Channel of Canada. Upon returning, I completed the Army swearing-in, and began
what I later facetiously styled as my “military MBA,” and boarded a train from
Chicago to Louisville, enroute to Fort Knox. I shared a compartment with a farm
boy from mid-state, Illinois, also just out of college and also headed to OCS.
We would be close friends through many months of training, until one day he
unexpectedly cracked and quit, unable to any longer handle the unending
pressure and harassment that OCS then shared with West Point.
I had shed 40 pounds of baby fat by the time I entered
the OCS portion of training, and then began to gain muscle weight in the dawn
to dark rounds of calisthenics, marching, tank maneuvers and escape and evasion
training in the steaming summer hills of Kentucky. When I entered the Army I
could only swing from a couple of rungs of the overhead horizontal ladder, and
then I’d tear skin off my hands. By the time I graduated OCS, I was swinging
through 76 bars and maxing the test. Officer training was not all about riding
in tanks. OCS was calculated to be a true test of the ability to react under
stress and to endure the demands of leadership. I’ll always remember the
nighttime evasion course, in which each soldier had to make his way through
miles of murky swamp and forest to avoid capture and reach an objective. No one
made it, and every soldier captured was taken to an enemy “prison” camp to be
questioned. I was surprised to learn that only one soldier in our unit had
managed to escape that camp and reach the final objective – me.
Whenever I’d waver in one of the unending fitness
challenges, I’d think of what my 11-year-old sister might think if I gave up.
Something else that helped me get through the 6 months of OCS harassment and
physical rigor, on top of the full-time classroom and field training, was the
toughness, the ability to tune out discomfort, that I’d developed pledging a
fraternity at Bradley. The last days of the fraternity’s five-month weaning
process to become an active member was still justifiably called Hell Week.
Since that time, many college fraternities have transformed this time of agony
into what some now call Help Week, which involves a marathon of working to
benefit some worthy cause. I’m not sure Help Week breeds the same psychological
toughness as the old Hell Week, but it does show that college fraternity life
can stand for something more tangibly worthwhile than eating goldfish and
standing blindfolded and naked in a cold basement all night, or reciting the
Greek alphabet three times on the burning of a match.
OCS was like college in at least one way – we’d often
order in pizzas late at night, except we’d have them delivered to the trunk of
a car outside to pick up when we took out the trash, so the tactical officers
who oversaw our every move wouldn’t find out.
The grand finale of OCS was something called Military
Stakes, a combined test of physical stamina and military knowledge, one that
must be passed with high marks to gain graduation. The Stakes course involved
running cross-country against the clock in the intense Kentucky heat for seven
miles in military gear. We would stop at stations to demonstrate proficiency in
weapons, ranging from the officer’s personal sidearm, the 45-caliber automatic
pistol, on up to the mighty 105-millimeter main gun of a 50-ton M1A1 Main
Battle Tank. The course also tested field proficiency in various leadership
strategies, tactics and calculations of battle. For a kid who was overweight
and under confident when I entered the service, I passed with a respectably
high score. Seventy eight percent of the young men accepted to my six-month OCS
marathon made the final grade; hence 91 of us received our commissions. My
mother and little sister pinned on my new gold bars, while my father and grand
parents looked on with pride, and apprehension.
In the West Point class of ’66, 807 cadets started the
four-year training, under the command of Brigadier General William Stillwell,
who I would serve under in the field several years later. He would tell them:
“Men of ’66, your great adventure is underway. Now raise your hands.” Only 567
graduated with their bachelor degrees and commissions. Of them, 30 would be
killed in Vietnam and 100 seriously wounded.
Before OCS graduation, I had written to the Commandant of
the Department of Defense Information School, where press officers earn their
credentials, asking if I might attend, given my recent degree in journalism
with a specialty in public relations.
But that didn’t work, at least not as I intended. Almost all of my
fellow OCS graduates were assigned to Armor units headed to Vietnam or West
Germany. I found myself assigned to duty as a junior staff officer at the
headquarters of the Army War College in bucolic Carlisle, Pennsylvania. The War College – what an oddly oxymoronic
name - is the military’s most senior strategic training institution.
I felt so lucky, and I guess in a way, I was. It was
starting to look as if my hope of making the most of my military obligation was
turning into a sort of golden opportunity. The War College, located at the
historic site of the old Indian School, home of football legend Jim Thorpe, was
now known as “The General’s School.” That’s because the students – generally
with the rank of colonel -- were tagged as promotable to general officer posts
in the Army and other armed services. There were also students from military
allies of the U.S. and civilian students marked for high-level positions in the
Departments of State and Defense. The
commandant was a two-star Army general and the head of the faculty was a Foreign
Service Officer first class, holding the rank of Ambassador. Much of the
curriculum was based on the strategic premise that communism must be contained,
at all costs.
I was to spend more than a year there, first as a platoon
leader at the headquarters, responsible for leading our troop of enlisted men
who staffed the blue collar jobs of operating and protecting the War College
campus. I also served as a VIP aide for visiting dignitaries and speakers,
ranging from reserve general officers to the Russian ambassador. Though just a
lieutenant, I took special pride in my uniform and training, proudly wearing
the War College and Armor insignias, along with special dress “tanker” shoes,
made of shiny black leather with a single strap and buckle instead of laces. I
had my dress green uniforms hand tailored with pegged pants and custom gold
anodized buttons, and my formal blue uniform carried golden pant stripes and
traditional shoulder epaulets of rank.
Later, with the new silver bars of a first lieutenant on
my shoulders, I was promoted to serve as deputy operations officer, planning
and overseeing special events and functions across the War College campus,
including support of General Eisenhower’s small military staff down the road at
his retirement home in Gettysburg. In 1961, President Kennedy had honored the
ex-President by restoring his permanent active duty 5-star rank of General of
the Army. I was also responsible for crises and survival planning for the War
college staff and post dependants. In the event of nuclear war or other
contingencies, many of the faculty, staff and students would assume their
alternative roles as back-up to the Pentagon, from a web of ancient, stockpiled
underground command caves beneath the War College campus. I identified
weaknesses in planning and recommended solutions. The appreciative major to
whom I reported thought I deserved a Regular Army Commission, something usually
reserved for West Pointers.
I would also serve as the officer in charge of 43
military funerals, most at Gettysburg National Cemetery, many for those who
died fighting in Vietnam. It was a somber and maturing duty for a
24-year-old. I trained and led the squad
of pallbearers, riflemen and the bugler who, with a chaplain, were part of each
ceremony. And, I presented the folded flag to the next of kin, in one family at
three consecutive military services over a matter of months, to the mother of
two fallen soldier sons and their military father, who had died in separate
incidents. I made a small tradition of taking the often shaken soldiers of our
honors detail out for a relaxing ice cream at a rural drive-in on the way back
to the War College in Carlisle.
My year at the military’s senior service school was one
of pomp, ceremony, along with some angst, some delight and even some insight.
Part of my job involved shuttling back and forth to Washington, with a driver
in a real limousine of Army green, as a temporary aide, briefing, assisting and
having engaging conversation with leaders of governments and the military who
were to be guest lecturers and consultants to the College.
Contingency planning became a game of chess, and I was
off to Virginia to be trained in surviving chemical or biological warfare, or
fly out to Sandia Base, New Mexico, with our intelligence officer, somewhat
ironically a Japanese-American major, to be trained as a nuclear public affairs
officer for the North Eastern U.S. nuclear emergency team. We’d not yet had a
major nuclear emergency in the U.S. – this was more than a decade before the
Three-Mile Island incident – but part of our job was to anticipate the
unthinkable. In my later business career, contingency planning was to become
one of my specialties.
But we didn’t anticipate everything. One weekend, while I
was off duty on an early summer evening, and while I was standing in for the
Military Police Chief who was away for training, I got a call to rush to the
helipad on the golf course. General William Westmoreland, Commander in Vietnam,
was landing for a surprise visit to the War College. I had no time to change
into a uniform, so I rushed over, still wearing a sweatshirt and my Bermuda
shorts. Standing out of sight at the back of the small welcoming throng of
officers, I directed my military police escort unit over a short wave radio.
Because the town where we were was home to Carlisle
College, we also had to plan for the contingency of student anti-war
demonstrations and attempts to illegally enter our facility. So, while I was a
platoon leader, I trained our cooks and drivers and office workers on how to
don their gas masks, handle their vintage World War II M1 carbines and stop
anti-war activists from such transgressions. But fortunately Carlisle was as
placid a campus as had been Bradley in the Midwest. We were never called to
such facedown situations, to my great relief, as I might well have emotionally
sided with the protestors.
I also learned to play golf on weekends on the War
College course, with the handful of young officers on staff. Weekends were for
occasional dating, too, like the young nurse I’d met at a military ball and
developed a crush on, whose father was the White House red-phone operator with
the Soviet Union. After work in the evenings, I’d unwind, riding my small
Italian-built Harley over the hills and down the winding roads of Pennsylvania.
A few times, we did a summer’s country outing with male and female officers of
the medical center. They’d inject a watermelon with grain alcohol using a giant
surgical needle, and then cool it in a mountain stream before slicing and
serving it up with a picnic feast of cold fried chicken.
When I wasn’t briefing visiting lecturers, doing
planning, or leading my soldiers in graduation parades or other drills and
ceremonies, I was spending evenings at the bar of the officer’s club, where a
colonel who wore a medal of honor around his neck led rousing sing-a-longs
while his wife banged at the piano. The War College was a bastion of old school
military garrison life. The commanding general had a homely daughter, and I was
constantly dodging his aide-de-camp, a decorated young captain, who kept trying
to invite me to escort her to military receptions. The college maintained a
regular periodic tradition called ‘Dining In,” at which all officers would don
their formal dress blue uniforms with the golden epaulets of rank, and dine at
a grand communal table, with seemingly endless toasts in brandy to the
Commander-In-Chief and those in his military chain of command. These
experiences reminded me of movies of the genteel life enjoyed by some American
soldiers in England in World War II, before being shipped out to meet their
fate across the Channel.
Those were the golden moments.
Towards the end of 1967, I decided to try to further my
civilian public relations career ambitions by applying for the officer’s career
course at the Department of Defense Information School. The military called the
public affairs function by the ubiquitous title of “Information.” But the
profession, then as now, was much more about nurturing influence, than merely
providing “information.” DINFOS, as the school is known, is the training center
for military journalists and public relations people for all the armed services
as well as the Pentagon public affairs staff. It is where students learn to
translate military policy into print and electronic media “messages,” and to
build interactive relationships with the press.
In order to be accepted to the school, to earn the Army
specialty Public Information Officer, I was made aware that I could potentially
be assigned to Vietnam after graduation. But I didn’t think the Army would
actually send me to war, as I knew by the time I graduated, I would have less
than six months of active duty commitment remaining, and the standard tour of
duty in Vietnam was then one year. But, of course, the Army called my bluff and
surprised me again.
I took a leave over the Christmas holiday in ’67, and
trekked to Green Bay to shiver through the legendary fifteen below zero
Packers’ play-off victory known as the Ice Bowl. I attended with my
grandfather, then the same age I am now, who in 1923 had been a founding
investor in the team.
In the summer of 1968, I learned that indeed I’d be
assigned to Vietnam. I wrote to the Information Officer of the Military
Assistance Command in Saigon and told him of my military and university training
in PR, and asked if I might be posted as an information officer on arrival in
late November.
1968 was a turbulent, defining year in America. Martin
Luther King was assassinated, then Bobby Kennedy. President Johnson had beat
anti-war candidate Eugene McCarthy in the New Hampshire Democratic primary,
then dropped out of the race as public support for the Vietnam War began to
wane following the Tet debacle. Hubert Humphrey became the Democratic
candidate, but the Democratic Presidential Convention in Chicago saw Mayor Daly
brutally suppress anti-war riots in the streets, perhaps scuttling Humphrey’s
chances.
Republican Richard Nixon became the next president, just
after his representatives, directed by Henry Kissinger, secretly motivated the
South Vietnamese Thieu government to boycott the newly launched peace
negotiations in Paris, suggesting they would get a better peace deal under a
Nixon administration, according to recently released Presidential documents.
The real motivation may have been to deny the Democrats the election advantage
of ending the war on their watch. Whatever the intent, this had the unintended
effect of extending the war for another four years, with 20,000 additional
American deaths, and hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese. It was the year of the My Lai massacre. And,
partially due to the escalating costs of the Vietnam War, Congress began action
to repeal the requirement for a gold-backed currency, leading to what came in
1971 to be called the Nixon Shock to global currency markets.
But this is my own story, and it also was anything but a
golden year for me. My life had been pretty strait forward until just before I
left for Vietnam, when two difficult issues arose. First was my father, who had
lost his career job at age 55 due to an acquisition, descended into alcoholism
and was being treated for clinical depression. Then, the girl I’d been in love
with for some months told me she was pregnant. At that time I wasn’t sure how
long my tour of duty would last. As I departed from my parent’s house, my
father was despondent and in tears. My girlfriend and I did not have even the
slightest grasp on what we wanted for the future.
Meanwhile, I arrived in Saigon shortly before
Thanksgiving, 1968, traveling alone, not as part of a military unit on a
chartered World Air 707 jet from Travis Air Force Base at San Francisco, via a
frigid stop at Elmendorf Ari Force Base in Alaska, taking a left across the
Pacific, then, after refueling at Yokota, Japan, in the hands of an empathetic
pilot, making a touristic, lazy turn around Mount Fuji in Japan, before landing
on the burning tarmac of Saigon’s Ton Son Nhut Air Force Base. I stepped into a
world of broken concrete and hurriedly assembled rough buildings of wood and
canvas. The compound for the general officers that commanded the Vietnam War
was a semi-circle of gray mobile homes, with air conditioners humming behind
barbed wire. I had checked into the ramshackle transient officer’s quarters and
launched into a standardized two-day orientation program for new in-country
officer arrivals. Off duty, I used the MACV headquarters swimming pool, and
even dined with an Air Force Captain at the Vietnamese Air Force Officer’s Club
on the other side of the air field – it was a still a classic French restaurant,
a holdover from the old French colonial days.
I quickly painted my silver bars a flat black, as we’d
been told that North Vietnamese communist snipers looked for the glint from
American officer’s marks of rank.
Recently thinking back over some 67 Thanksgivings on my
watch, I realized that I have little but the dimmest, non-specific memories
about any, though I am overwhelmed with a generalized gamut of warm senses of
turkeys being displayed and carved, of my quest to get a leg, of how the
special gravy tasted on the mashed potatoes, of grandparents being present, of
a series of seldom-used family dining room tables, of an uncle reciting
prayers, of hovering cats and dogs, of too much wine, and then that lethargic
half-sleep amidst forgotten televised football games. All my Thanksgiving
memories merge into a vague, soft tumble of such feelings.
Except for one.
I vividly recall Thanksgiving 1968. It was a hot, dusty
day with slivers of sun slicing through to the earth. There was the throaty
roar of jets in the background. There was a jangle of dishware and muffled
voices in the low, slatted wood building. A holiday menu card was at each
place, and that little printed menu, with it’s greeting from the commander, and
a prayer from the Chaplain, survives to hold in my hand today, and trigger
ironic memories. I remember that wonderful dinner so well. Every dish seemed
perfect to me, and though I was sitting among strangers, the conversation was
lively, friendly and full of thoughts of family. I can recall where I sat, and
the look of the plump turkey leg and colorful fixings on my plate. It was the
28th day of November, and I was so pleased that it seemed such a
briefly warm and wonderful Thanksgiving respite, even for an hour, in that
sanctuary mess hall at the Military Assistance Command Vietnam, or MACV
headquarters, in war-torn Saigon.
I looked forward with mixed expectations. On October 31,
the U.S. had announced suspension of bombing in North Vietnam. On November 2nd,
just 3 days before our Presidential election, South Vietnam Premier Thieu
pulled out of the Paris peace talks in which he had previously agreed to
participate. Nixon then beat peace candidate Hubert Humphrey by just 500,000
votes. November 14 was National Turn in Your Draft Card Day, accompanied by
acceleration in more anti-war rallies and protests at college campuses across
the country. I was clearly in the wrong place at the wrong time, and it was
still two years before the leak of the Pentagon Papers.
And so, here I was in Saigon, about to go to war, despite
my dashed hopes that it wouldn’t come to this for me.
I would remember this Thanksgiving, not just because of
the exotic location and circumstances, but because in many ways I then could
not imagine, it would very soon represent a momentous turning point for me.
Within a year of that time, I would ricochet onto a wholly new course that
would carry me, unlike the 58,272 dead whose names are chiseled into that long,
low wall in Washington, D.C., through the decades as one who survives, and even
prospers, to this very day. As George Bernard Shaw said, “War is not decided by
who is right, but by who is left.” Of
the 3,346 OCS graduates commissioned at the Fort Knox Armor School in the two
years of its existence in the late 60’s, most of those who were killed in
action in Vietnam died in 1968, the year I was there.
I reported to a Colonel at the MACV Information Office,
and was indeed told that I was to be assigned as the public information liaison
officer on the U.S. advisory staff of a Vietnamese General, in command of one
of their Army divisions. It sounded like
an exotic, challenging and even frightening assignment, as I would be in the
field and close to enemy action. But
there was an operative, apprehensive phrase in my briefing – “WAS to be
assigned.” The Colonel explained that “unfortunately,” as he put it, the
Vietnamese general had a falling out with my predecessor over some unstated
issue, and had personally shot and injured the officer. I sat speechless.
Our Army, in it’s wisdom, the assignment officer resumed,
had decided it would be prudent not to immediately replace that officer, so
therefore, my assignment was also figuratively, shot out from under me.
“Then what?” I asked, beginning to feel a new and even
greater apprehension. Well, the normal procedure would be to assign me to the
officer replacement pool, he said. “And?” I pressed. He said, in all
likelihood, I would revert to my primary combat arms specialty and likely be
assigned to command a company of 17 tanks, probably in the Delta region of
South Vietnam, one of the few geographies that would support the heavy M48 and
M60 main battle tanks I was trained to lead. He seemed to think this would be a
good opportunity for me to qualify for rapid promotion.
Years later, I was to learn that the life expectancy in
1968 for an Armor lieutenant in the Vietnamese Delta was about 2 weeks. No
wonder promotions opened up quickly. In this year of 1968, the height of the
war, more than ½ million U.S. troops served in Vietnam, and more than 16,000 of
them died there.
Then the Colonel paused, after I’d reiterated my public
relations background and ambition to make a contribution in that field. He
said, “Son, I can give you a few names and phone numbers, and you can call
around country to see if some unit has an opening for an information officer
like you, but you’ve only got 2 or 3 days before the repo pool grabs you.”
I asked to borrow a phone and went to work. It took
anywhere from minutes to hours to even get a call through in Vietnam, and often
the line went dead, or the person I needed to talk with wasn’t there. It was
like ducking for apples in a barrel, blindfolded, with false teeth.
But, the second day, over a scratchy line, I reached a
Major Jones at something called 24th Corps Headquarters at a place
I’d never heard of called Phu Bai, and he said yes indeed, he dearly needed an
added press escort officer for what he called the U.S. military’s Northern
press camp, closest to the border with North Vietnam. He would dispatch orders for
my assignment if I could promise to find my way in a few days. I packed my
duffel, checked out of the BOQ, or bachelor’s officer quarters, strapped on a
loaded 45, and stepped out to a dingy bus stop at the edge of the air base, to
hitch a ride on a transport plane north – some 400 miles north. We flew,
strapped into webbed slings, near the plane’s open rear ramp, and landed at a
dusty field a few hundred miles away, where there would not be another plane
north until the next day.
I checked into an officers quarters tent and then walked
to a combination bar/mess hall that looked like what I would later come to
know, in a time and theatre far, far away, as the Star Wars bar scene. Amidst
the smoke, beer and whisky, I soon recognized one of the young medical officers
I had befriended back at the Army War College. “Small world,” we each said over
and over. I’d never see him again, and
in fact to this very day, I’ve never again seen or been in touch with anyone I
met in Vietnam – it’s as if everyone there had only existed in my imagination.
If I hadn’t kept a few scraps of notes and crumpled orders, and some letters
from my girlfriend back home, and some I’d sent to my mother back then, it
would be as if none of it really happened. I took not a single photo, though I
was a trained photographer, as I was saving up to buy a good Japanese 35mm
camera, and left Vietnam before I had enough money to buy one.
As I
was flying into Phu Bai, I found out that it was a stone’s throw from Hue. The
world remembers February 1968 for the infamous Vietcong offensive on Tet, the
Vietnamese Lunar New Year. First built by Emperor Gia Long early in the
nineteenth century, Hue was the imperial capital of Vietnam between 1802 and
1945. It is located on Highway 1 about 420 miles south of Hanoi and 670 miles
north of Saigon.
For the Vietcong
and North Vietnamese, Hue was a city with tremendous historical significance.
Being the former imperial capital of a united Vietnam, the center of Vietnamese
cultural and religious life, and the capital of Thua Thien Province, Hue became
an important symbol in the struggle for dominance of Indochina.
It was also a
difficult city to defend. Isolated by the Annamese mountain chain and bordered
by Laos to the west and the Demilitarized Zone to the north, Hue was without
access to a major port for resupply. Still, before the Tet Offensive, Hue was
considered secure for South Vietnam. That all ended on January 31, 1968.
At 3:40 a.m. that
morning North Vietnamese Army (NVA) artillery began pounding the city. Elements
of the NVA 6th Regiment simultaneously attacked Military Assistance Command,
Vietnam (MACV) headquarters in Hue and ARVN 1st Division headquarters. Other
NVA troops blockaded Highway 1 north and south of the city and attacked several
hundred other sites in the city. By daylight, the Vietcong flag was flying atop
the Imperial Citadel of the Nguyen emperors. Hue had fallen to the Communists.
The American and
ARVN counterattack on Hue began almost immediately with huge volumes of
artillery, naval bombardment, and air strikes, while forces engaged in
house-to-house, hand-to-hand combat with NVA troops and Vietcong.
The Imperial
Citadel was not recaptured from the Communists until February 24. Hue had been
devastated. More than 50 percent of the city had been totally destroyed, and
116,000 people of a total population of 140,000 had been rendered homeless.
Nearly 6,000 civilians were dead or missing, and several thousand more were
assassinated outright during the Vietcong occupation. The North Vietnam Army
and Vietcong suffered 5,000 dead; the United States, 216 dead and many wounded;
and the allies, the Army of the Republic of Vietnam, 384 dead and many more
wounded.
Like the Tet Offensive in general, the battle for Hue was a tactical
defeat as well as a strategic victory for the Communists. In taking control of
the city, if only for several weeks, they had proven that MACV predictions of
an imminent Communist collapse were totally groundless, undermining American
faith in the credibility of its political and military leaders. Hue in
particular, and Tet in general, was indeed the turning point in the war. Walter
Cronkite, the iconic U.S. newsman of the era, growled, “We are mired in
stalemate.”
To consolidate its position, MACV established a provisional
corps, and then re-activated the 24th Corps of World War II fame, in
Phu Bai, a small city just outside of Hue, with responsibility for pacifying
the two northern provinces of South Vietnam. The Corps consisted of the Army’s
101st Airborne Division, the 3rd Marine Division, the Army’s newly
consolidated Americal 23rd Infantry Division, the 3rd
Marine Amphibious Force based at DaNang, and an air wing.
I guess I was shocked by my first view of the Corps
Headquarters, driving up in a jeep from the airfield. I saw a high-walled
wooden stockade, like something right out of the old southwest, except for the
steel-helmeted sentries with their rapid-fire M16 rifles and jeeps with machine
guns. Inside the walls was a beehive of
activity, a regular little ramshackle city. Along the dusty streets were
structures large and small, usually made of wood on the bottom, with screening
and canvas overhead, and piles of supplies seemingly dumped haphazardly
everywhere. The commanding general’s office, a three-star Army guy, was the
only all-wood building, except for the newly built, air-conditioned racket ball
court next to it. The general liked racquetball.
The Press Camp, where I’d live and work, was a little
compound of 17 structures. Sixteen of them were what we called “hootches,” wood
and canvas huts built about 2 feet off the ground to protect them from the
frequent tropical rains. Most were four-man barracks, with mosquito-netted
bunks and a small Japanese refrigerator for food and drink, and often hiding
small supplies of marijuana, too. One was our tiny air-conditioned office and
one was for supplies. The larger
structure was our press club, where there was a seating area, a briefing
section and a dining room and bar furnished compliments of the Associated Press
out of Saigon.
Many reporters skipped the military mess hall, and dined
at the Press Club, where the menu was simple:
charcoal-grilled steak and potatoes, with Coke, beer and bourbon to
drink, and ice cream. Once every two weeks or so, frozen steaks from the
officer’s open mess in DaNang would be trucked in by a team of Navy volunteers,
who had to drive the treacherous, frequently mortared Hai Van Pass in the
mountains south of Phu Bai. The driver and his guards would be honorary
overnight guests at the Press Club whenever they trucked in that frozen bovine
gold. We even had a drive-in movie theatre of sorts at the Press Camp -- six
logs lined up in front of a bed sheet suspended from two poles. I remember my
first night there, when a giant of a reporter from Agency France Presse taught
me how to use an Asian toilet – a wooden hole with footprints alongside it – a
humbling experience.
Like every new officer, within a few days I reported
personally to the Corp’s commander, Lieutenant General Richard G. Stilwell,
combat hero of World War II and Korea, at his wooden office next to the racket
ball court. There were 3 or 4 of us nervously doing so that day. I shuttered
when he wished us well, fixing his tough blue eyes on us, saying, “I know you
boys are itching to get into the fight, and I’ll get you out there as fast as I
can.”
In the months before my arrival, the ever-optimistic
General Stilwell, who had been commander of cadets at West Point when the class
of ’66 began their studies, had responded to written questions from President
Richard Nixon. Always the optimist, he reported to the President that the war
was going well, writing: “Our field commanders are reporting significant
strides made this year in the strength of (our allies,) the Army of Vietnam.”
I never made it into the actual fight, unless you count
occasionally being mortared at night, when I’d dive into a water and
rat-infested bunker next to my wood and canvas hootch. At the press camp, I was initially put in
charge of registration and briefing of arriving news media people. They were
required by the military to stay at the camp, and then be escorted by press
officers to cover approved units and activities, as arranged by our staff.
These were the days before journalists were “embedded” within military units,
as began in Iraq three decades later, when they could accompany platoons and
companies of soldiers into action, without press officer escorts.
By 1968, there were almost 700 accredited foreign
correspondents in South Vietnam, and close to half were non-U.S. media, often
highly critical of U.S. actions. Some 80 journalists were women, but I never
met one at Phu Bai. Many of the reporters seldom, if ever, left Saigon. They
were among the hordes that took the daily handouts of Westmoreland’s PR people,
at the briefings that came to be known as “The Five O’clock Follies.” Said
Michael Herr of Esquire Magazine, “Only 50 of those journalists gave journalism
a better name than it deserved.”
Most reporters arrived at our Phu Bai press camp via the
nearby airfield aboard military C-130s, the planes often flown with the gaping
rear doors.
However, inveterate Associated Press reporter Peter
Arnett arrived a novel way – riding a motor scooter with his new Vietnamese
wife sitting behind him. Peter, then 34, was one of the most independent
reporters in Vietnam, and had written a highly controversial story in which he
quoted a U.S. officer as declaring, “We had to destroy the village to save it.”
Even President Johnson and General Westmoreland tried to get the AP to remove
him for that report, but the wire service refused.
Twenty-two years later, not having seen or heard him
since our press camp days, I recognized Peter’s voice on television. He was
reporting live for CNN, as the only reporter with a link from Baghdad as the
U.S. launched the Gulf War. Peter would later get an exclusive interview with
Saddam Hussein. The military would soon succeed having the intrepid reporter
fired from CNN because of a perceived excess of candor of his reporting, threatening
that the network would lose all access to the Pentagon unless they dismissed
him. While many war correspondents seem to thrive on the acrid smoke of battle,
unfortunately Peter ultimately choked on it.
The Johnson
administration employed what writer Stanley Karnow in his 1991 book, “Vietnam:
A History,” called a "policy of minimum candor” in its dealings with
the media. At DINFOS, we had drilled into us that military media relations
policy was based on the principle of “Maximum disclosure with minimum delay.” If that had once been true, things had
changed. Said Karnow, “Military information officers sought to manage media
coverage by emphasizing stories that portrayed progress in the war. Over time,
this policy damaged the public trust in official pronouncements. As the media's
coverage of the war and that of the Pentagon diverged, a so-called credibility
gap developed.”
Still, much about the press camp later reminded me of the
TV series that began in 1970, MASH, about the antics and drama of a mobile surgical
hospital unit in the Korean War. I was the designated “scrounger” for the press
camp, patrolling the corps compound for non-authorized supplies, from cocktail
glasses to seat cushions. As we had guest quarters for journalists, one of
which I got to use myself, a reporter who’d stayed a few days began calling the
Press Camp “Holiday Inn East.” Our real job was to keep the press comfortable
and safe, not necessarily to expedite their candid news coverage of the war.
I also became the weapons officer for the press camp,
which also seemed like an oxymoron of an assignment. Because I’d learned to
take apart and reassemble a 45 automatic pistol and an M16 automatic rifle,
while blindfolded, they seemed to think I was an expert. We did need to carry
weapons when we went out to Hue with news or TV crews, or visiting others
divisions of the corps, for our own protection and that of the news people, but
they were almost never fired except in training exercises.
I do recall once being fired upon, riding in an open jeep
with an ABC-TV camera crew, while crossing rice fields on the highway enroute
to Hue. I was so nervous that day that I’d chambered a round in my 45, and was
riding with only the safety on. When shots rang out from the rice patty, we
stopped and all dove under the jeep. After 15 minutes or so of quiet, we drove
off. That’s the closest I ever came to firing my weapon in anger. We stopped
along the way to visit the press officer at the headquarters of one of our
Corp’s divisions, the 101st Airborne. My counterpart there was about
to leave for Japan, to supervise the printing of their divisional magazine. I
was jealous of his impending escape.
That afternoon, just outside of the wreckage of Hue, on a
tip, we pushed through a scrim of overgrown jungle and came upon an incredible
sight – the cool, clean marble floor of a hidden Buddhist Temple. It had
survived the virtual destruction of Hue, buried in the nearby jungle, and was
being meticulously maintained by monks. It was a stark contrast to the ruins surrounding
the city market we later visited along the pulsing Perfume River of the old
imperial capitol.
Back at Phu Bai, given the steady consumption of steak,
Coca-Cola and scotch at the Press Club, plus the snacks we’d bring back from
the mess hall, I had to go on a diet. While it was often steaming hot, and we
certainly didn’t have air-conditioning or many other creature comforts, it was
a far cry from living in the jungle battlefield and carrying a heavy backpack
and a rifle everywhere. Life in the Press Camp was pretty much like desk-bound
administrative work anywhere, except for those occasional fieldtrips, and of
course the possibility of being shelled anytime. My diet, preserved on a signed
and dated scrap of paper, called for “no peanuts, a little popcorn, one slice
of bread or a small potato with each meal, two meals a day, max, and two cans
of sweet soda a day, max.”
The time flew by, with reporters from all over the globe
coming and going. While Vietnam was the first, and probably the last outwardly
uncensored war, a sort of unofficial censorship took place, observed Australian
journalist Paul Ham. “Let’s just call it
lies. Most facts passed around, from head counts to talk of ‘light at the end
of the tunnel,’ were either bald-faced whoppers or misinformation based on
misunderstanding of the complexities of the conflict.” America’s quest to
contain communism in Southeast Asia was not going very well.
I was corresponding almost daily with my parents and old
best friend and with my pregnant girlfriend. I’d just sent them all Vietnamese
Christmas Cards. My girlfriend wrote me, explaining that her unplanned
pregnancy had ended at an early stage.
I was just settling into something approaching a routine,
when one night, as I sat on a log at our improvised outdoor drive-in movie
theatre, in the midst of a western, a civilian from the Red Cross detachment
tapped me on the shoulder. “Lieutenant Ebeling, we’ve just been advised that
your father has died.” It was December 22nd, less than a month after
I’d arrived in Vietnam, and only a few days before Christmas. I was stunned. It was only a matter of weeks
before that my father had waved a long tearful goodbye as I’d pulled out of the
driveway back in Riverside, and yet it seemed like a lifetime ago.
The Red Cross fellow said he could look into a
compassionate leave for me, as my father’s death was violent; an apparent
suicide. A chance to go home would enable me to assist my distraught mother and
young sister. We worked through the night, getting emergency orders approved.
I’ll never forget the Red Cross for that. Early the next morning, I donned a
tan summer uniform, and boarded a C130 transport. As we flew over DaNang to
head for the Philippines, a crewmember pointed down, and there in a ramshackle
stadium, was a holiday USO show underway for thousands of GIs and sailors. I
was later to learn it was Bob Hope’s 1968 Christmas tour.
At a Philippines Air Force base, I boarded a C141
Starlifter, then America’s largest airplane. It was a massive transport, with a
fuselage big enough to drive tanks into. I was returning from Vietnam the way
I’d arrived, alone. Swinging in a seat made of belting material, I looked out
along a row of low lights that stretched from nose to tail. A member of the
crew soon came down a ladder and invited me up to the flight deck. He said the
only extra space was in the crew bunk, up and behind the pilots and navigator.
I could look down over them and out the front windshield, getting an occasional
view of Arctic ice flows below, as we flew over the top of the world.
After nearly a full day aloft, we approached our landing
at a New Jersey air base. I knew we were back when, as we banked to land, I
spied a familiar symbol of America along a rode near the field, a glint off the
Golden Arches of McDonald’s. I got a lump in my throat at this first
recognizable symbol of home, an occasion I’d remember years later when I became
the chief spokesman for this quintessentially American brand.
Transferring to O’Hara and then directly to Green Bay, Wisconsin,
I arrived, in my tropical short-sleeve uniform, in the snow swept winter north,
just in time to join my family at my father’s funeral.
In the weeks that followed, I applied for and received a
compassionate reassignment to the press office at Fort Sheridan, just outside
of Chicago, so I could help out my mother. I wrote to the commander of the
press camp I had left, commenting that it was, “a sort of surrealistic
experience in that all-to-real war. The officers of your unique command must be
not only soldiers, but nurse-maids, inn-keepers, wardens and emotional and
ethical sounding boards to the transient members of the Fourth Estate.”
My best friend Jeff later told me that when I shipped out
for Vietnam he had thought he might never see me again. Now I was a survivor. I
was no hero, but the war did cost me three years, and did bear at least some
responsibility for collateral damage within my family – likely contributing to
the final despair of my troubled father, and the later realization that I’d never
know the child I might have had.
I moved on with my life, and I knew how lucky I was to
have a life to live. The military, which once seemed to hold out golden
opportunities to me, quickly faded from my aspirations. I turned down an
expedited promotion to captain, to resign my Army commission. I was later
invited back to Ft. Sheridan to receive an Army Commendation Medal, personally
approved by the fifth Army Commander, for outstanding public affairs work in my
final posting. Soon after, I was married, if only for a few years, to the girl
I’d left behind when I was shipped to Vietnam.
My civilian career in public relations began on the
headquarters staff of an insurance company still known for its good hands
slogan. The executive who hired me made a comment that was both ironical and
yet, not at all unusual in those times of controversy about those who served in
the war. He said to me, and this has stayed with me over the years, “Young man,
we won’t hold your service in Vietnam against you.”
Three decades later, not long after the onset of the Gulf
War, I surprised to hear, for the very first time, a quite different comment
from a fellow guest at a dinner party, after something had come up in
conversation about my brief service in that distant, fruitless war. She said,
“Thank you.” Times were changing.
Even back in the Vietnam era of a military draft, most
American men had managed, either through dumb luck, political connections,
inactive reserve service, medical issues, serial educational deferments or even
escape to Canada, to dodge active military service. I had embraced my bad luck,
as it were, and sought to make the most of it. In some ways I’d succeeded. In
other ways, my own experience was a microcosm of the futility, the waste and
the lies of war. America didn’t finally end the bloodshed in Vietnam until
1975, delayed in large part due to those cynical 1968 election maneuverings by
Nixon and Kissinger.
America had lost its first war. But it had lost more. I
was reminded of a quotation from writer Issac Asimov I’d seen at the foundation
museum in Gernika, Spain, site of Franco and Hitler’s carpet-bombing atrocity
during the Spanish Civil War. Said Asimov, “Violence is the last refuge of the
incompetent.” My experience suggests that the gold bars I once worked so
diligently to earn, and proudly wore, were carried in the service of
incompetent, if not opportunistic and even “treasonous” political maneuvering,
to quote recently released tapes of a private 1968 characterization of
candidate Nixon and his people by then President Lyndon Johnson.
Whatever our feelings, then or now, about U.S.
militarism, young soldiers remain the blunt instruments when government
leadership decides to go to war, and stay at war. Their early adulthood, if
they survive it, is profoundly affected, as is that of those around them. Over
11 years of Vietnam combat, U.S. troop causalities mounted, including the
youngest in the officer corps. Seventeen hundred lieutenants had been killed,
versus only nine colonels and just three generals. As Rick Atkinson tells us,
in the Civil War, before senior ranks migrated to the rear as combat units
became smaller, the chance of a general being killed had been 50 percent
greater than that of a common soldier.
By Thanksgiving Day of 1969, just a year after my arrival
in Vietnam, my life was already looking up, but still a mixed bag. As I
lamented at the beginning of this story, I was still, “Between.” I had
completed my active duty commitment of three years, yet found myself forced to
serve 16 additional months in the active reserve, including countless weekends
buried in an armory basement and weeks of duty in summer encampment, before a
senator’s intercession compelled the Army to live up to its original agreement.
The State of Illinois paid me a generous $100 Vietnam bonus, and the GI Bill
paid for a correspondence course in coastal navigation. I still keep, as a
relic of that time, a classic navigational aid, a handsome boxed sextant, which
the course provided to me.
Significantly, I’d benefitted from maturing leadership
experiences and costly taxpayer-funded professional training while in the
military. I was well launched, unlike many veterans, on a fast track to a
successful business career. I was back living in Chicago’s lively Lincoln Park,
biking along the lakefront on weekends, and watched in awe with the world, as a
man stepped onto the surface of the Moon on July 20, 1969. Later that fall, I enjoyed a sumptuous
Thanksgiving dinner with my new wife, my mother and little sister at my grandparent’s
home in Green Bay, and I was lucky enough, like the Thanksgiving before in
Saigon, to again get a turkey leg on my plate.
Meanwhile, what ever happened with all those gold bars
back at Fort Knox, which I thought I was protecting so long ago? No thorough,
independent audit of the gold at Fort Knox has occurred in the 50 years since I
walked that guard path. The government says some $200 billion in gold bars is
still there, though no one is allowed to inspect it. Some have said there is
little if any gold left at Fort Knox, at least that is pure enough to be traded
internationally. Two years ago, a U.S. Congressman formally called for a new
audit of the Federal Reserve, including the gold vaults in New York and Fort
Knox. To date, only the emergency loan programs of the Fed have been audited,
not the gold vaults. Even if all or part of the billions of dollars in gold
bars remained in good order, what difference would it make to today’s economy,
when the national debt is now counted in trillions? Truth and perspective still
eludes us.
So, where did all my golden opportunities go? I gave up
years for a lost cause; one history now teaches was never a meaningful American
cause at all. This country achieved nothing, lost much, and learned that living
with communism, and even doing business with communists, is apparently not at
all a fatal option. And yes, our government learned that if we could conduct
future wars without a mandatory draft, and with an all-volunteer Army and
thousands of mercenary contractors, the general public would become less
politically engaged and outraged, and students in particular, would be less
likely to object. Progress indeed?
As an adult touching older age, I now see warfare for
what it is: the most abominable form of
wholesale natural selection. Wars are nothing less than dangerous cracks in the
frail veneer of civilization. I’m bitter that the politicians and counselors
who commit us to war almost universally remain exempt from real personal
consequences of their decisions, besides obligatory consolation of the bereaved
and contending with the next election cycle.
Instead, these “brave” leaders invariably commit new
generations of excitable, under-employed youth as proxies for their own
complex, super egos. They weave plots to maintain foreign loyalties, secure
more and more military bases and needed oil inventories, responding to
pressures from military brass and corporate Washington to sustain the
military/industrial complex and protect our economy. Young warriors always lead
the way, suffering death and incapacities, plus personal and family sacrifices,
as their rewards. Meanwhile, the nation’s leadership continues to politic,
govern, prosper and then move on to honored, gracefully reflective retirements,
often discussing their “difficult” decisions in written memoirs and on endless
media and lecture tours.
Let me leave you tonight, as I left my time “between”
college and career, by making a simple observation. Whether wondering what
happened to the gleaming, fabled treasury of real gold at Fort Knox, that once
helped underwrite an economy, or reflecting on my own mix of adventures with
the symbolic gold bars worn on my shoulders, I can only close with the
observation that: “All that glitters, when the final measure is taken, may not
after all, be gold.”
Have a happy Thanksgiving, and may you soon relish your
favorite part of the bird, be it turkey or tofurky, again this year.